Civil War

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By Sylvain Savoia

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40 WARRIORS INTO WORKERS crossed another line—‘‘the line which separates the age of endurance, privation, and heroism from the age of learning and luxury’’— and these things seemed more out of place. In a memoir, Josiah Conzett described the difference as between the ‘‘Country Style’’ of the patricians and the ‘‘Metropolitan Airs’’ of the entrepreneurial city. Modern scholars might speak of the embourgeoisement of the city and of a consequent desire to enforce middle-class standards of female domesticity and male self-restraint in the city’s social life.

A year later, a group of women apparently took the paper’s advice and armed ‘‘with tin pans, broomsticks, mops, and other warlike weapons, they stormed [the] fortress’’ of ‘‘a lady of infinite leisure’’ who had established herself in their neighborhood. The courts also intervened. According to data from the district court at Dubuque, although the number of cases in categories such as theft, property destruction, or personal injury remained constant during the Panic, the number of what can be called public morals cases jumped from five in 1859 to thirty in 1860.

1, appendix A for more specific data. 2, appendix A for specific data. DUBUQUE BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 43 city, the Irish were two-fifths of the unskilled. Similarly, Germans made up more than one-third of the artisans, compared to Germans’ overall share of less than one-quarter of the workforce. In contrast, native-born individuals dominated the business class in the city even more thoroughly than the Irish and Germans did the working class. 39 Increasingly, immigrants and workers were identified with disorder in the city.

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